The question of ethnic equality has been the apex of all questions for decades in Ethiopia. Forrnthis fact, the struggle to bring ethnic equality consumed the adorning and precious human life.rnThis major and long lived historical issue seemed solved after the downfall of the Derguernthrough biller military struggle of a number of national liberation movements. Following this, inrn1991, in order to address along lived historical question of ethnic equality, through restructuringrnthe country into different state an ethnic form of federal formula has been adopted in Ethiopia.rnHowever a specific problem in the Ethiopian context is that every regional state now sorndesignated under the federal arrangement is multi-ethnic, even Tigray (where Erob and Kunamarnas well as Amhara, Oromo and other minorities live with Tigray people), None of the ninernregional states is mono-ethnic, so the protection of "minority and other individual citizen rights"rnunder the power holding regional ethnic groups is at core of academic and political debaternparticularly on the scale of needed safeguards in the federal and regional constitutions andrnpolitical practice of such states. Thus this showing the problem for a federa tion linkingrnheterogeneous groups in a process of institutional dialogue is thereby just deflected towardsrnanother arena, a lower level, where the same problems of what the democratic exercise of rightsrnmeans and how it can be guaranteed, come bouncing back. IrnConsequently, the neglect of these groups and individual citizens ' rights by the new powerrnholders has resulted in inter-ethnic conflict and tension between those owners regional state andrnothers non titular citizens (also referred as non-indigenous, settler or immigrants). These havernraised the question of citizenship and resulting rights and still the major point of discussion inrnthe country among political parties. The post 1991 federal regime has been implementingrnvarious mechanisms to accommodate minority at regional level who share contingent territory.rnBut concerning those dispersed citizens (can also be settlers, non-indigenous or immigrant)rnthere is a lot issues regarding the right to political representation, right to equality, the right tornfreely move and work and other dozens of universal rights still unprotected, devalued andrnsometimes violated resulting in the feeling of second citizenship and high tension. Thus resultingrnin the change of political demand by ethnic groups from so called "national question " to whatrnrnJon Abbink, Ethnicity and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia , Journat of African Law, Vo lA I : No.2, p. 163rn1this paper calls it 'citizenship question in the post 1991 reign of self-governance of nations,rnnationality and people.rnIn other words, citizenship question in Ethiopia can be explained as the plight of Ethnicrnminorities in any state that has most of the time been treated as aliens. This ill-treatment theyrnreceive is at the core of the constant manifestation of ethnic volatile engagements. In Ethiopia,rnthis is fostered by the inability of the post-Derg elite to construct effectively, the philosophy ofrninclusive citizenship that will be capable of developing national identity with a cosmopolitanrnoutlook. Other conflict generating factors can be located in the scarcity of cherished values andrnthe differential opportunities that exist among competing groups intensified by ethnicity. Mostrnreasons explicated for such upheaval are centred on the demand for recognition and inclusion inrnpolitical bargain of states' resources allocation. This scenario calls for the understanding ofrnconstitutional bases of citizenship in Ethiopia.rnThus the main objective of the study is investigating the relation between the rights to self-rule ofrnethnic groups( also referred as host, indigenous, titular ethnic groups endowed with a motherrnstatelWereda/zone of their own) and other individual ( commonly referred as migrants, settlersrnor non-indigenes minority) rights of citizenship in the post Ethiopian ethnic federalism in lightrnof experience in Asosa Wereda, Benishangul Gumuz Regional State (BGRS) vis-a vis to torneluciaadate the relevance of balancing the rights of individuals and groups within an umbrella ofrndiversity - unity paradigm and the need for an overreaching concept of citizenship in Ethiopia.rnThe paper by considering this research gap, examines the overall nature and relationshiprnbetween the rights of self-rule and rights of citizenship in the multi-ethnic Asossa woreda. This isrncrucial because the area hosts different ethnic groups though the dominant ones are Bertha fromrnthe host and other citizens who due to different reason have lived for decades, particularly therernis a lot Amharas settler communities resettled in Dereg regime. This study then investigatesrnexperiences of the right to self-rule and rights of citizenship in Asossa Woreda, which has thernlargest number of "host " self-governing ethnic groups and ethnic migrant, non-indigenous orrn"settler citizens.rnThe study fully employed qualitative research approach. Relevant and reliable data wererngathered through in depth informant interview, focus group discussion, non- participantrn2observation and documentary analysis. The finding revealed that there were many instancesrnwhere the rights of citizenship were systematically violated by officials and nationalisticrnmembers of ethnic groups due to lack of understanding on the right balance between the right tornself-rule and the rights of every citizens guaranteed in the FDRE constitution. The source of thernproblems seems of practical application of universal rights and upholding group tendency in thernideology of the ruling regime and officials. For instance the claim for balanced representation inrnpolitical office of citizens in BGRS in general and Asosa Wereda in particular shows that therndecision of the HOF and the The institutional set up of BGRS wereda and stale council hasrngreatest contribution for maintaining a sense of belonging and equality. Thus the primacy ofrnindividual right when there is a conflict with group rights particularly regarding universal rightrnsuch as those discussed in this stud like, the right to movement, right to political participation,rnright to work and residence, ji-eedom ji-om discrimination and right to private property isrnessential for the stable and inclusive federal governance in Ethiopia. The paper recommendedrnthat beller protection can be achieved if the participation of all citizens is guaranteed in thernregional assembly, judiciary and executive posts without regard to indigenity to the regionalrnstate. Further the establishments offederal institutions like that of the human rights commission,rnfederal courts, federal police in the regions and enhancing the active role of FDRE HumanrnRights Commission and Ombudsman Institution can protect discriminatory practice and assurernequality in the regional state