Culturally, elder abuse in Ethiopia is not perceived as a serious problem. InrnEthiopia, there are no data on the extent or types of elder abuse. To increasernunderstanding of the issue, a phenomenological study was conducted based on the livedrnexperiences of 15 elders (9 women, 6 men) in Ethiopia who experienced domestic abuse.rnData were analyzed using interpretive phenomenological analysis. Extreme poverty wasrnevident. Some elders owned only one outfit and shared a hut with a single bug-infestedrnroom and no electricity with multiple family members. Meals may be only bread andrncoffee. Poverty, conflicts of interest, physical and health conditions, death or migration ofrnsupport providers, old age, disengagement from work, physical appearance of elders,rnshift of family values, dependency, family size, living arrangements, powerlessness,rndrunkenness, and sexual impotency were conditions contributing to the risk of elderrnabuse.rnElders experienced psychological, financial and physical abuse and neglect at thernhands of caregivers, spouses, children, grandchildren, in-laws, nephews, housemaids,rnfriends, neighbours, and employees. Abused elders suffered from loss of property, poorrnliving conditions, hunger, diseases, denial of privacy and rights, low self-esteem,rnhopelessness, fear, shame, anxiety, inferiority, isolation, depression, hatred, stigma,rnremorse, and grief. One elder stated, “Life is meaningless without food and without arncaregiver. I am ready to welcome death.†Elders responded to abuse through praying,rnusing holy water, forgiveness, silence, tolerance, sharing feelings, criticism, improvingrnmoney management, begging, accusing abusers, crying, and suicide attempts.rnDocumentation of elder abuse in Ethiopia and sharing abuse stories may contribute tornthe recognition of abuse as a problem deserving public attention and response